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| Who really wins if the UK leaves the EU? |
As Britain's membership of the European Union (EU) hangs in the balance with a referendum looming, it is time for the left to take a serious look at the issue that none of us really want to talk about. A left-wing exit (lexit) is supported by some prominent socialists and seems to makes sense; of course we would want to leave an undemocratic, capitalist institution that puts big business interests before workers in favour of a socialist paradise where we are free to nationalise what we want and go after the tax dodgers; but is 'lexit' what's being offered here?
This article will not attempt to defend the exploitative actions and capitalist
nature of the EU, instead two main arguments will be put forward as to why Socialists should vote to remain in the EU at this referendum. First, our
sister socialist parties across the EU call for a ‘united European left’ in
order to support a continent-wide challenge to capitalism and austerity, and
who fight for democracy from within. The article will then consider the right-wing terms of Britain’s EU exit and argue that the neoliberal forces that
provide the basis for an argument for leaving the EU would still be present, if
not worse, in an independent UK. The
article will conclude that leaving the EU at this time will not benefit the
socialist struggle or make workers lives better. Oversimplifying this
incredibly complex issue into ‘central capitalist rule (in) vs anti-neoliberalism
and self determination (out)’ plays into the hands of the hands of the
bourgeois forces who would see us leave to make it easier to take the knife to
our public services and close the borders to immigrants and refugees.
Whatever the result of this right-wing referendum, the post-match analysis of our own performance should consider if we shifted the narrative to class issues and progressive ideas.
For A
United European Left
The events in Greece reinforce the argument
that ‘socialism in one country’ is impossible in the 21st century
globalized world. Efforts to show solidarity across Europe were, in the end,
futile against the might of the neoliberal states and institutions determined
on crushing the lone uprising. However, the reaction to this cannot be to run
away, we must instead fight to position ourselves to provide genuine support
for the next country to take on the EU. There is an ongoing struggle across the continent to democratize the the EU's institutions and find a way of utilising Europe's vast resources in the interests of its 500 million citizens.
The undemocratic structure of the EU,
particularity the weakness of the directly elected parliament, means that power
is state-centric. It is national governments, not the people, who appoint the
28 members of the powerful EU commission. This explains why the EU is so right-wing; because almost every national government has been run by neoliberal
parties, who have continuously appointed neoliberals to key positions.
Therefore any change in the EU will have to first come from domestic regime
changes. Deciding to leave the EU would still leave us in this position of
trying to seize state power, but would disable us from exerting leftist support
across the EU when we succeeded.
Staying in the EU does not have to mean that we must consent
to its policies or rules. By remaining inside we are better positioned to
support the struggle for the democratization for the EU that is currently being
fought by our comrades in other European Left movements. The successes of Die
Linke in Germany, The CUP in Catalonia, Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece, Communists
in power in Portugal, Red/Green coalitions in Scandinavia and many more groups
seeing surges in support across the continent should tell us that hope is not
lost in Europe. The last EU elections saw the progressive left parties, as well
as the reactionary right parties, increase their vote share. This suggests that
Europeans are disenfranchised with centrist capitalist politics and are looking
for radical alternatives; it is imperative that we unite across Europe to make
sure that alternative is socialist, to prevent a new wave of fascism. Remaining
in the EU allows us to align our struggle with these sister parties and
confront the fight head on instead of isolating ourselves.
“I think it’s very important not
to fall into the nationalist trap of thinking that you can recoil back into the
nation-state cocoon. That doesn’t mean that we should go along with Brussels...
I believe in staying in to subvert the rules. Even to go into a campaign of
civil disobedience within. That for me is the left wing strategy. Not ‘Lexit’. I’m
not in favour of staying within the EU and playing ball.”
Yanis Varoufakis
While this may sound like the opposite of what we argued
in the Scottish Independence Referendum, there is a key difference. Our
struggle is not impeded by the EU (at this time). Brussels does not impose
unelected Conservative Governments and austerity on us. Brussels does not set
our budgets or veto our socialist legislation- because socialists aren’t in
power in the UK. Perhaps when we are, then a situation could arise where we are
forced to leave. But that is not the narrative of this referendum.
Against
A Right-Wing Referendum
As discussed, there would undoubtedly be a
case for leaving the EU if Brussels was blocking domestic socialist
legislation. However, that is not the reason that this referendum has come
about. The ‘out’ campaigns are organized and funded by conservatives and UKIP
supporters who want the UK to leave because being a part of the EU impedes
their desire for a UK with open borders for private capital but not for
movement of people.
Currently, much of mainstream euro-scepticism
is driven by reactionary xenophobia to the EU’s freedom of movement
legislation. Indeed, this is a primary renegotiation point for David Cameron.
Although the EU’s freedom of movement law has some capitalist motives around
labour pools, it is likely that an independent UK would dramatically reduce
immigration and probably be less likely to take Syrian refugees. Even EU
migrants could be denied access to state support or even deported in a frenzy
of conservative anti-immigration policy making. From a socialist perspective
this will not only have serious detrimental social and economic effects on our
communities, it also undermines the progressive society that we want to build
for future generations. Even if a socialist campaign were formed to campaign to
leave the EU, it would be populist xenophobia and nationalism that would win
the day. On the other hand, the pro-EU campaigns have thus far failed to defend
immigration, instead they have made the pro-business case for staying in the
EU. It should be the place of the socialist left to make this argument within
any campaign.
In an independent UK, the neoliberal
legislation that would provide the main reasons for leaving the EU are likely
to still be implemented, if not made worse. Trade deals like TTIP and
privatization would still be passed by a right-wing British government as the
UK will not step back from globalized or ‘Europeanized’ markets. Furthermore,
they could be forced to undercut EU labour and environmental legislation in
order to compete in a race to the bottom to attract investment. The UK would
find itself at the mercy and favours of international big business over which
it would have little control. We will be alienating ourselves from the
decision-making in Brussels, the outcomes of which we will still be forced to
adhere to in order to trade with the EU, as Norway and Switzerland are. An
additional consideration must be made for the thousands, if not millions, of
workers who are employed by firms who benefit from the UK being in the European
single market and who could be made unemployed by Britain leaving the EU.
By examining the right-wing case for leaving
the EU, we can see that our membership must constrain the right-wing forces in
some areas. For example, while the European Human Rights Act does not go far
enough in protecting workers, it acts as some sort of a shield to Tory attacks,
otherwise they would not be so keen to remove it. Similarly, the EU forces the
UK to increase it’s environmental legislation, something that would not be a
priority for a Conservative-led independent UK who were competing with the EU
for investment. The European Court of Justice also ruled this year that
traveling to work should be paid by employers. While there is no doubt that the
EU does not go far enough, it would be naïve to think that we would have a more
left wing government in charge soon that would uphold these decisions. As
already argued above, if we did then perhaps then would be the time to leave.
Strategic
Implications and Considerations
On a final note, our party must consider the future of the
struggle for Scottish Independence in our analysis of this issue. Although, it
would be wrong to choose a side in this debate because of our desire for
independence- that would be unethical and would undoubtedly come back to bite
us.
In a scenario where the UK voted to leave the EU despite
Scotland voting overwhelmingly to stay (as some polls suggest), the case for
independence could be strengthened and a mandate could exist for a second
referendum. Similarly, if England voted to leave the EU but the UK was
marginally kept in by overwhelming votes to stay by Scotland, Wales or Northern
Ireland, English conservatives could call for their own independence. However,
it would be unattainable for the SSP to support a pro-EU Scottish independence
referendum if we had just campaigned to leave the EU.
Conclusions
This paper has attempted to put across the pragmatic
argument that leaving the EU in the upcoming UKIP/Tory referendum will not
advance the socialist struggle in the UK. Instead, we will be more open to the
pearls of free market economics as we engage in a race to the bottom with the
EU common market. Change in Europe must come from state level, exiting the EU
will leave us with the same challenges but could inhibit our ability to support
the current campaign of the European Left to democratize it. While conceding
that the EU is a capitalist institution, if we do decide to leave the EU then
it must be on our terms with a Socialist government at the helm. To virtuously
leave, the mandate must come from progressive ideas and a class-consciousness
forming public opinion, not the current xenophobic and nationalistic narrative
that we see in the media.
By Hugh Cullen